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Trump’s Russian revelation

The US president has come to understand how little he has to gain by supporting Moscow

Trump’s Russian revelation

US President Donald Trump at the US Capitol in Washington, 6 February 2025. Photo: EPA-EFE/AARON SCHWARTZ / POOL

When Donald Trump assumed power in the United States for a second time, it was initially assumed that it didn’t bode well for Ukraine. During his first term, Trump maintained questionable connections to Russia. Furthermore, his claim that he would end the Russia-Ukraine conflict in a day — with Russia still occupying much of Ukraine — led many analysts to believe that any such policy would favour the Russians.

James Horncastle

Professor of international relations, Simon Fraser University, Canada

These fears, at least so far, have not come to pass. In Trump’s inaugural address, many of the items he highlighted on the campaign trail figured prominently. Noticeably absent, however, was Ukraine. When it comes to Trump’s “America First” philosophy, Ukraine and Russia have seemingly lost significance.

Trump, with his bombastic nature, dominates the media cycle. His proclamations, social media statements, threats and insults occur with such regularity that it’s difficult for anyone to keep pace.

In many ways, this works to Trump’s advantage. People can be too distracted by the latest outlandish statement to pay close attention as Trump pursues his ambitious domestic policy goals. Lost in the media turmoil of Trump’s executive orders, tariff threats and heightened deportation campaign has been a shift on Russia and Ukraine.

Rather than being driven by any foreign policy goals, Trump’s engagement with Ukraine and Russia will be determined by how he perceives he can benefit domestically in return

Ukraine, for Trump, is a secondary concern. His priorities, first and foremost, are domestic and aimed at remaking America. As such, rather than being driven by any foreign policy goals, Trump’s engagement with Ukraine and Russia will be determined by how he perceives he can benefit domestically in return. His calculations, in this regard, appear to have shifted.

Trump’s relationship with Ukraine during his first term was, to put it mildly, difficult. His infatuation with Russian leader Vladimir Putin, and Russia’s open disdain for Ukraine, caused him to largely ignore the country.

When he did pay attention to Ukraine, it was as part of an effort to acquire information to damage his presumed political rival, former president Joe Biden. This effort resulted in Trump withholding aid from Ukraine unless it acquiesced to his demands.

Volodymyr Zelensky, Emmanuel Macron and Donald Trump in Paris, 7 December 2024. Photo: EPA-EFE

Volodymyr Zelensky, Emmanuel Macron and Donald Trump in Paris, 7 December 2024. Photo: EPA-EFE

Trump’s position on Ukraine, however, has shifted over time. His antagonistic relationship with President Volodymyr Zelensky has seemingly improved.

While there are still tension points, most notably when Zelensky visited Pennsylvania during the US presidential election campaign, Trump has moderated his comments on his Ukrainian counterpart. Ukraine’s purchase of American equipment and ammunition, furthermore, supports Trump’s focus on domestic production.

Lastly, Trump has expressed interest in accessing Ukraine’s rare earth metals. China currently dominates the rare earth metal market, which puts the US at a disadvantage due to the minerals’ importance for future technological innovation. That means Trump has a stake in Ukraine’s future.

These developments don’t mean the relationship is perfect. Instead, Trump is unlikely to be a burden to Ukraine, and this development is in part due to his declining view of Putin.

A military recruitment poster in central Moscow reads “unity leads to victory”, 14 November 2024. Photo: EPA-EFE / YURI KOCHETKOV

A military recruitment poster in central Moscow reads “unity leads to victory”, 14 November 2024. Photo: EPA-EFE / YURI KOCHETKOV

The initial assumption of many analysts when Trump came to power again was that he would immediately favour Putin. The close relationship between the two is well-documented, and has been open to considerable speculation as to why Trump courted such favour with Putin in his first term.

Trump, however, has upped his rhetoric against Russia since assuming the presidency. First, he threatened Putin with additional economic sanctions. Second, he stated that he would like OPEC to increase oil production and therefore inhibit Russia’s war effort by undermining its primary source of revenue.

The Russian military, once feared globally, has largely proven to be a paper tiger. 

Why the pivot? It likely goes to the core foundation of Trump’s persona: he likes winners. Regardless of the ultimate outcome of the Russia-Ukraine war, Russia and Putin have displayed considerable weakness in execution during the war. The Russian military, once feared globally, has largely proven to be a paper tiger.

While Russia still has several advantages in the war, it is only doing so by leveraging its future. According to Trump, Russia is in “big trouble” in terms of its economic woes. Trump is not alone in this view. Analysts, as well as perhaps Putin himself, recognise the serious challenges facing the Russian economy.

A mural by Lithuanian artist Mindaugas Bonanu depicting former US President Donald Trump kissing Vladimir Putin. Vilnius, Lithuania, 04 August 2016. EPA/VALDA KALNINA

A mural by Lithuanian artist Mindaugas Bonanu depicting former US President Donald Trump kissing Vladimir Putin. Vilnius, Lithuania, 04 August 2016. EPA/VALDA KALNINA

It’s not just economically that Russia has leveraged its future. To avoid straining the Russian people, Putin has reached a deal with North Korea, which is providing soldiers for the war against Ukraine. Furthermore, Russia has deepened ties with Iran in exchange for Iranian drones.

What Putin has provided North Korea and Iran in exchange for these soldiers is unclear. That said, Russia can only provide any technological exchanges for these soldiers and drones one time, as once shared, the same technology cannot be part of other arrangements. This reality limits Russia’s influence in the years ahead.

Trump, almost certainly, wants to make a peace deal on Ukraine. It would burnish his reputation as a statesman while simultaneously demonstrating American strength and influence to the world at a minimal cost to the US.

The terms of that deal, however, have shifted in the face of Russian weakness. That’s why it’s not surprising that the mercurial Trump has pivoted his stance on Russia. Until Russia can display the strength that Trump thought it possessed, he’s unlikely to do the Russians any favours in the future.

This article was first published by The Conversation. Views expressed in opinion pieces do not necessarily reflect the position of Novaya Gazeta Europe.

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